Wednesday, October 9, 2019

AS Level Sociology - Culture and Identity Families and Households Essay

AS Level Sociology - Culture and Identity Families and Households Wealth, Poverty and Welfare - Essay Example However the connection of income to consumption is not wholly simple. The lower class will use up greater fractions of their income on needs and the elite on wants, but the lower class also give excessively to charitable and religious groups (Haworth 2004). The equivalent of the overwhelming selection of products and services introduced in the late twentieth century is the condition that for a significant percentage of consumers some part of their spending is ‘discretionary’ (Haworth 2004). This discretion entails not only brand preferences, or one clothing style or form of diet or residential architecture rather than another. It reaches the entire notion of ‘lifestyle’ (Haworth 2004). Several families will be penny-wise and prudent, saving for their future; others will adopt a lifestyle that exceeds their means. Several families will continue buying things such as summer homes, home workshops, automobiles, and swimming pools—and other will buy experi ences such as participation in sports, concerts, plays, or operas. Veblen’s notion of ‘conspicuous consumption’ is very accurate at the turn of the 21st century (Haworth 2004), but not limited anymore to the ‘leisure classes’. ... Among the most significant concepts for categorising social life are those that assign social statutes or positions, or socially acknowledged classifications of individuals that denote position in structured social activity or social character (Ellemers, Spears & Doosje 2002). Aside from characterising and positioning individuals in social conditions, social divisions communicate identity or behavioural expectations. The latter are named roles by sociological classical role theory, a tradition applied by identity theory in social psychology (Ellemers et al. 2002). Hence, when individuals use social divisions to identify and acknowledge one another in social circumstances, they bring in role expectations for the behaviour of each other; if they use positions submissively to identify and categorise themselves, they create role expectations or purposes for their personal behaviour (Cote & Levine 2002). Perceived as self-conceptualisations, these reflexively employed positional labels ar e the emphasis of identity theorists, in which they are called ‘identities’ or ‘role-identities’ (Cote & Levine 2002). The theory of social identity in social psychology raises a comparable identity construct, but underlines identities on the basis of wide-ranging social classifications such as social class, ethnic status, and sex, instead of those related to job-related and other roles in the society’s social structure (Ellemers et al. 2002). In Mead’s and symbolic interactionism’s cognitive tradition, identity theorists define identities as â€Å"cognitive responses to oneself [or other] as an object [of consciousness]† (ibid, p. 49). From

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